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全文:拜登在第76届联合国大会上讲话

2021-09-22 07:37  ABC   - 

周二上午,美国总统乔·拜登(Joe Biden)在联合国大会上发表了他的首次讲话,他鼓励各国“前所未有地共同努力”,因为世界正“站在历史的转折点”共同抗击艾滋病新冠肺炎(新型冠状病毒肺炎)。

拜登演讲的全文如下:

总统先生、秘书长先生、我的各位代表、所有献身于本机构这一崇高使命的人:我很荣幸第一次作为美国总统向你们讲话。

我们今年是在一个充满巨大痛苦和巨大可能性的时刻开会的。这场毁灭性的大流行病继续夺走世界各地的生命,并对我们的生存产生如此大的影响,我们已经失去了太多。

我们哀悼超过450万人——来自不同背景的每个国家的人。每一次死亡都是个人的心碎。但是,我们共同的悲痛强烈地提醒我们,我们的集体未来将取决于我们认识到我们共同人性并共同行动的能力。

女士们,先生们,这是我们在这里面临的明确而紧迫的选择,即将迎来对我们的世界来说必须是决定性的十年——一个将真正决定我们未来的十年。

作为一个全球社会,我们面临着紧迫和迫在眉睫的危机的挑战,这些危机中蕴藏着巨大的机会,如果我们能够鼓起意愿和决心抓住这些机会。

我们是否将共同努力拯救生命,在各地击败新冠肺炎,并采取必要步骤为下一次大流行做好准备?因为还会有另一个。或者,随着更致命、更危险的变异病毒占据上风,我们会无法利用我们所掌握的工具吗?

我们会遇到挑战性气候的威胁吗——我们都感受到的挑战性气候已经用极端天气蹂躏了我们世界的每一个角落?或者,我们会遭受日益恶化的干旱和洪水、更强烈的火灾和飓风、更长时间的热浪和海平面上升的无情侵袭吗?

我们是否会申明和维护人类尊严和人权,七十多年前,在这种尊严和人权下,为共同事业奋斗的各国组成了这个机构?

在我们寻求塑造新技术的出现和遏制新威胁的时候,我们是否会应用和加强国际体系的核心原则,包括《联合国宪章》和《世界人权宣言》?或者我们会允许这些普遍原则在追求赤裸裸的政治权力时被践踏和扭曲吗?

在我看来,我们如何在这个时刻回答这些问题——我们是否选择为我们共同的未来而战——将在未来几代人的时间里产生反响。

简单地说:在我看来,我们正处于历史的转折点。我今天在这里与你们分享美国打算如何与伙伴和盟友合作回答这些问题,以及我的新政府致力于帮助领导世界走向一个所有人都更加和平、繁荣的未来。

我们没有继续与过去的战争作斗争,而是把目光集中在将我们的资源用于那些掌握着我们集体未来的关键的挑战上:结束这一流行病;应对气候危机;管理全球权力动态的转变;在贸易、网络和新兴技术等重要问题上塑造世界规则;面对今天的恐怖主义威胁。

我们已经结束了阿富汗20年的冲突。随着我们结束这段无情的战争,我们正在开启一个无情外交的新时代;利用我们发展援助的力量,投资新的方式来提升世界各地的人民;复兴和捍卫民主;证明无论我们将面临的问题多么具有挑战性或多么复杂,政府为人民服务仍然是为所有人民服务的最佳方式。

随着美国将我们的重点转向今天和明天最重要的优先事项和世界地区,如印度-太平洋地区,我们将通过在联合国等多边机构的合作,与我们的盟友和伙伴一起这样做,以增强我们的集体力量和速度,我们应对这些全球挑战的进展。

在我们每个国家和作为一个全球社会,21世纪有一个基本事实,那就是我们自己的成功与其他国家的成功息息相关。

为了帮助我们自己的人民,我们还必须与世界其他地区深入接触。

为了确保我们自己的未来,我们必须与其他伙伴——我们的伙伴——共同努力,走向共同的未来。

我认为,我们的安全、繁荣和我们的自由前所未有地相互关联。因此,我认为我们必须前所未有地共同努力。

在过去的八个月里,我优先考虑重建我们的联盟,振兴我们的伙伴关系,并认识到它们对美国的持久安全和繁荣至关重要。

我们重申了我们神圣的北约联盟对第5条的承诺。我们正与我们的盟友合作,朝着一个新的战略概念迈进,这将有助于我们的联盟更好地应对今天和明天不断变化的威胁。

我们重新与欧洲联盟接触,欧洲联盟是解决当今世界面临的一系列重大问题的重要伙伴。

我们提升了澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国之间的四方伙伴关系,以应对从健康安全到气候再到新兴技术的各种挑战。

我们正在与区域机构——从东盟到非洲联盟再到美洲国家组织——合作,关注人们对更好的健康和更好的经济成果的迫切需求。

我们重新回到国际论坛,特别是联合国的谈判桌前,集中注意力,激励全球就共同的挑战采取行动。

我们重新加入世界卫生组织,并与COVAX密切合作,在世界各地提供拯救生命的疫苗。

我们重新加入了《巴黎气候协定》,我们正在争取明年重新获得联合国人权理事会的席位

当美国寻求让世界团结起来采取行动时,我们将不仅以我们力量的榜样来领导,而且如果上帝愿意,以我们榜样的力量来领导。

毫无疑问:美国将继续保卫我们自己、我们的盟友和我们的利益免受攻击,包括恐怖主义威胁,因为我们准备在必要时使用武力,但是——保卫我们至关重要的美国国家利益,包括持续和迫在眉睫的威胁。

但是,这项任务必须是明确和可实现的,在美国人民知情同意的情况下进行,并尽可能与我们的盟友合作。

美国的军事力量必须是我们的最后手段,而不是我们的第一手段,它不应该被用作我们在世界各地看到的每一个问题的答案。

事实上,今天,我们许多最大的关切无法通过武力来解决或甚至解决。炸弹和子弹无法抵御新冠肺炎或其未来的变种。

为了抗击这一流行病,我们需要科学和政治意愿的集体行动。我们需要现在就采取行动,尽快获得武器注射,并扩大氧气、测试和治疗的获取途径,以拯救世界各地的生命。

未来,我们需要在现有发展援助的基础上,建立一个为全球卫生安全提供资金的新机制,并建立一个全球卫生威胁理事会,该理事会拥有我们监测和识别新出现的流行病所需的工具,以便我们能够立即采取行动。

美国已经为全球COVID响应投入了超过150亿美元。我们已经向其他国家运送了超过1.6亿剂新冠肺炎疫苗。这包括我们自己供应的1.3亿剂疫苗,以及我们通过COVAX购买捐赠的5亿剂辉瑞疫苗的第一批。

从美国运送疫苗的飞机已经在100个国家降落,给世界各地的人们带来了一点“希望”,一位美国护士这样对我说。直接来自美国人民的“一剂希望”——重要的是,没有附加条件。

明天,在美国主办的新冠肺炎峰会上,我将宣布更多的承诺,因为我们寻求推进与新冠肺炎的斗争,并围绕三个关键挑战的具体目标追究自己的责任:现在拯救生命、为世界接种疫苗和建设得更好。

今年还带来了无边界气候危机带来的大范围死亡和破坏。我们在世界各地看到的极端天气事件——你们都知道并感受到——代表了秘书长正确地称之为“人类红色代码”科学家和专家告诉我们,我们正快速接近字面意义上的“不归路”。

为了实现将全球变暖控制在1.5摄氏度以内的重要目标,当我们在格拉斯哥举行第26届缔约方大会时,每个国家都需要拿出最大的雄心壮志,然后随着时间的推移,必须不断提高我们的集体雄心。

四月,我宣布的美国在《巴黎协定》下雄心勃勃的新目标是,到2030年将美国的温室气体排放量比2005年的水平减少50-52%,因为我们正在努力实现清洁能源经济,到2050年实现净零排放。

我的政府正与我们的国会密切合作,对绿色基础设施和电动汽车进行重要投资,这将有助于我们在国内实现气候目标。

最棒的是:进行这些雄心勃勃的投资不仅是好的气候政策,也是我们每个国家投资自己和自己未来的机会。这是一个巨大的机会,可以为我们每个国家的工人创造高薪工作,刺激长期经济增长,从而提高我们所有人的生活质量。

我们还必须支持受打击最严重、帮助他们适应环境的资源最少的国家和人民。

今年4月,我宣布美国将把我们的公共国际融资增加一倍,以帮助发展中国家应对气候危机。今天,我自豪地宣布,我们将与国会合作,将这一数字再次翻一番,包括适应努力。

这将使美国成为公共气候融资的领导者。有了我们更多的支持,加上其他捐助者增加的私人资本,我们将能够实现筹集1000亿美元支持发展中国家气候行动的目标。

当我们应对这些危机时,我们也遇到了一个新时代——一个新技术和新可能性的时代,有可能释放和重塑人类生存的方方面面。这取决于我们所有人来决定这些技术是增强人的能力还是加深压制。

随着新技术的不断发展,我们将与我们的民主伙伴共同努力,确保从生物技术到量子计算、5G、人工智能等领域的新进展被用于提升人民,解决问题和促进人类自由——而不是压制异议或针对少数群体。

美国打算在研究和创新方面进行大量投资,与处于经济发展各个阶段的国家合作,开发新的工具和技术,帮助我们应对21世纪第二季度及以后的挑战。

我们正在强化我们的关键基础设施,以抵御网络攻击,破坏勒索软件网络,并努力为所有国家建立与网络空间相关的明确规则。

我们保留对威胁我们的人民、我们的盟友或我们的利益的网络攻击做出果断反应的权利。

我们将寻求全球贸易和经济增长的新规则,努力创造公平的竞争环境,这样就不会人为地偏袒任何一个国家而损害其他国家,每个国家都有公平竞争的权利和机会。

我们将努力确保基本劳工权利、环境保护和知识产权得到保护,并确保全球化的利益在我们所有社会中广泛分享。

我们将继续维护几十年来形成国际交往护栏的长期规则和规范,这些规则和规范对世界各国的发展至关重要——如航行自由、遵守国际法和国际条约、支持降低风险和提高透明度的军备控制措施等基本承诺。

我们的方法是坚定不移的,完全符合联合国的使命和我们在起草宪章时商定的价值观。这些是我们都做出的承诺,我们都有义务坚持。

当我们努力应对这些紧迫的挑战时,无论它们是长期的还是新出现的,我们也必须相互应对。

在我看来,世界上所有主要大国都有责任谨慎处理它们之间的关系,这样它们就不会从负责任的竞争走向冲突。

美国将参与竞争,并将积极参与竞争,用我们的价值观和力量引领世界。

我们将为我们的盟友和朋友挺身而出,反对强国控制弱国的企图,无论是通过武力改变领土、经济胁迫、技术开发还是虚假信息。

但是我们并没有寻求——我要再说一遍——我们并没有寻求一个新的冷战或者一个分裂成僵化集团的世界。

美国准备与任何挺身而出、寻求和平解决共同挑战的国家合作,即使我们在其他领域存在严重分歧——因为如果我们不团结起来应对新冠肺炎和气候变化等紧迫威胁或核扩散等持久威胁,我们都将遭受失败的后果。

美国仍然致力于防止伊朗获得核武器。我们正在与五常+1合作,与伊朗进行外交接触,并寻求重返《联合行动纲领》。如果伊朗也这样做,我们准备恢复完全遵守。

同样,我们寻求严肃和持续的外交,以实现朝鲜半岛的完全无核化。

我们寻求具体进展,以制定一项有具体承诺的可行计划,加强朝鲜半岛和该地区的稳定,并改善朝鲜民主主义人民共和国人民的生活。

我们还必须对恐怖主义对我们所有国家构成的威胁保持警惕,无论这些威胁来自世界的遥远地区还是我们自己的后院。

我们知道恐怖主义的刺痛是真实的,我们几乎都经历过。

上个月,在喀布尔机场令人发指的恐怖袭击中,我们失去了13名美国英雄和近200名无辜的阿富汗平民。

那些对我们犯下恐怖主义行为的人将继续在美国找到一个坚定的敌人。

然而,今天的世界已经不是2001年的世界,美国也不再是20年前911袭击时的美国。

今天,我们更有能力发现和预防恐怖主义威胁,我们抵御和应对恐怖主义威胁的能力也更强。

我们知道如何建立有效的伙伴关系,通过打击恐怖分子的资助和支持系统、打击他们的宣传、阻止他们旅行以及阻止迫在眉睫的袭击来摧毁恐怖分子网络。

我们将利用现有的全套工具来应对今天和未来出现的恐怖威胁,包括与当地合作伙伴合作,以便我们不必如此依赖大规模军事部署。

我们能够有效加强安全和减少暴力的最重要方式之一是寻求改善全世界人民的生活,他们看到自己的政府没有满足他们的需求。

腐败加剧不平等,抽走一个国家的资源,跨越国界传播,并造成人类痛苦。这不亚于21世纪的国家安全威胁。

在世界各地,我们越来越多地看到公民表示不满,看到富人和有关系的人变得越来越富有,接受贿赂和贿赂,凌驾于法律之上,而绝大多数人在努力找工作、吃饭、创业或送孩子上学。

每个地区的人们都走上街头,要求他们的政府解决人民的基本需求,给每个人一个公平的成功机会,并保护他们上帝赋予的权利。

在跨越语言和大陆的合唱中,我们听到了一个共同的呼声:对尊严的呼唤——简单的尊严。作为领导人,我们有责任响应这一号召,而不是压制它。

美国致力于利用我们的资源和我们的国际平台来支持这些声音,倾听它们,与它们合作,找到在全世界促进人类尊严的应对方法。

例如,发展中国家对基础设施的需求巨大,但低质量的基础设施或助长腐败或加剧环境退化的基础设施最终可能只会给各国带来更大的挑战。

然而,如果采取正确的方式,对项目进行透明的、可持续的投资,以满足国家的需求,并让当地工人保持高劳动和环境标准,基础设施可以成为中低收入国家社会增长和繁荣的坚实基础。

这就是“重建更美好的世界”背后的理念。"

我们与私营部门和我们的七国集团伙伴一起,旨在动员数千亿美元的基础设施投资。

我们还将继续是世界上最大的人道主义援助捐助者,为数百万有需要的人提供食物、水、住所、紧急医疗保健和其他重要的救生援助。

当地震来袭、台风肆虐或世界任何地方发生灾难时,美国都会出现。我们随时准备提供帮助。

就在去年,全球近三分之一的人口无法获得充足的食物,而此时此刻,美国正致力于团结我们的合作伙伴解决当前的营养不良问题,并确保我们能够在未来几十年可持续地养活世界。

为此,美国正在做出100亿美元的承诺,以结束饥饿并投资于国内外的粮食系统。

自2000年以来,美国政府已经提供了1400多亿美元,用于促进健康和加强卫生系统,我们将继续发挥领导作用,推动这些重要投资,使人们的生活每天都变得更好。给他们一点喘息的空间。

当我们努力让生活变得更美好时,我们必须以新的目标努力结束在世界各地造成如此多痛苦和伤害的冲突。

我们必须加倍外交努力,致力于政治谈判,而不是暴力,以此作为管理世界紧张局势的首要手段。

我们必须为中东所有人民寻求更大和平与安全的未来。

美国对以色列安全的承诺是毫无疑问的。我们对一个独立的犹太国家的支持是明确的。

但我仍然认为,两国解决方案是确保以色列未来成为一个与一个可行、主权和民主的巴勒斯坦国和平共处的犹太民主国家的最佳方式。

此时此刻,我们离那个目标还有很长的路要走,但我们绝不能让自己放弃进步的可能性。

我们不能放弃解决激烈的国内冲突,包括在埃塞俄比亚和也门,交战各方之间的战斗正在造成饥荒、可怕的暴力、侵犯平民人权的行为,包括不合理地将强奸用作战争武器。

我们将继续与国际社会合作,推动和平,结束这一苦难。

当我们全面推行外交政策时,美国将捍卫我们作为一个国家和民族的核心民主价值观:自由、平等、机会和对所有人普遍权利的信仰。

它已经印入我们作为一个国家的基因。至关重要的是,它已经印入了美国这个机构的基因。我们有时会忘记。

我引用《世界人权宣言》的开场白,引用:“人类大家庭所有成员的平等和不可剥夺的权利是世界自由、正义与和平的基础。”

联合国的创建精神将个人权利置于我们系统的中心,这种清晰和远见决不能被忽视或误解。

美国将尽自己的一份力量,但是如果我们所有的国家都朝着我们所肩负的全部使命努力,我们将会更加成功,更有影响力。

这就是为什么100多个国家围绕一个共同的声明联合起来,安理会通过了一项决议,概述了我们将如何支持阿富汗人民向前迈进,提出了在尊重普遍人权方面我们将对塔利班抱有的期望。

我们都必须倡导妇女和女孩的权利,利用她们的全部才能为经济、政治和社会作出贡献,并在没有暴力和恐吓的情况下追求她们的梦想——从中美洲到中东,到非洲,到阿富汗——无论它出现在世界的什么地方。

无论是发生在新疆、埃塞俄比亚北部还是世界任何地方,当种族、族裔和宗教少数群体受到攻击和压迫时,我们都必须大声疾呼并予以谴责。

我们都必须捍卫男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者群体的权利,这样他们就可以无所畏惧地公开生活和恋爱,无论是在车臣、喀麦隆还是其他任何地方。

当我们引导我们的国家走向这一拐点,努力应对当今快速发展的跨领域挑战时,让我明确一点:我对我们想要的世界未来不是不可知论者。

未来将属于那些拥抱人类尊严的人,而不是践踏它的人。

未来将属于那些释放人民潜力的人,而不是那些扼杀人民潜力的人。

未来将属于那些给予人民自由呼吸能力的人,而不是那些试图用铁腕窒息人民的人。

威权主义——世界的威权主义可能试图宣告民主时代的终结,但他们错了。

事实是:民主世界无处不在。它存在于反腐败积极分子、人权捍卫者、记者、和平抗议者之中,这些人站在这场斗争的前线,在白俄罗斯、缅甸、叙利亚、古巴、委内瑞拉以及其间的任何地方。

它生活在勇敢的苏丹妇女中,她们经受住了暴力和压迫,将一个种族灭绝的独裁者赶下台,她们每天都在努力捍卫自己的民主进步。

它生活在自豪的摩尔多瓦人身上,他们帮助民主力量取得了压倒性的胜利,肩负着打击腐败、建设更具包容性的经济的使命。

它存在于赞比亚的年轻人之中,他们第一次利用自己的投票权,以创纪录的人数公开谴责腐败,并为他们的国家规划了一条新的道路。

尽管没有一个民主是完美的,包括美国——美国将继续为实现最高理想而奋斗,以弥合我们的分歧,我们直面暴力和叛乱——但民主仍然是我们释放全部人类潜力的最佳工具。

各位领导人,在这一时刻,我们必须证明自己与我们之前的人是平等的,他们以远见、价值观和对我们集体未来的坚定信念建立了我们的联合国,打破了战争和破坏的循环,并为70多年的相对和平和日益增长的全球繁荣奠定了基础。

现在,我们必须再次走到一起,确认将我们团结在一起的内在人性比任何外在的分裂或分歧都要伟大得多。

我们必须选择做比我们认为自己能够单独做的更多的事情,这样我们才能共同完成我们必须做的事情:结束这场大流行,确保我们为下一场大流行做好更好的准备;减缓气候变化,增强我们对已经发生的影响的抵御能力;确保未来技术是解决人类挑战和增强人类潜力的重要工具,而不是更大冲突和压迫的根源。

这些挑战将决定我们的子孙后代的世界,以及他们将继承什么。我们只能通过展望未来来迎接他们。

我今天站在这里,这是20年来第一次,美国没有参战。我们翻开了新的一页。

我们国家所有无与伦比的力量、精力、承诺、意志和资源现在都完全集中在我们的前面,而不是后面。

我知道这一点:展望未来,我们将发挥领导作用。我们将领导我们时代所有最大的挑战——从气候变化、和平与安全、人类尊严和人权。但我们不会单干。

我们将与我们的盟友和伙伴一起领导,并与所有那些和我们一样认为我们有能力应对这些挑战的人合作,建设一个提升我们所有人并保护这个星球的未来。

但这些都不是不可避免的;这是一种选择。我可以告诉你美国的立场:我们将选择建设一个更美好的未来。我们——你和我——有意愿也有能力让它变得更好。

女士们先生们,我们不能再浪费时间了。我们开始工作吧。让我们现在创造更美好的未来。

我们能做到。这是我们力所能及的。

谢谢大家,上帝保佑大家。
 

Full transcript: Biden addresses 76th UN General Assembly

President Joe Biden delivered his first United Nations General Assembly speech on Tuesday morning, encouraging countries to "work together as never before" as the world stands together "at an inflection point in history" in its fight againstCOVID-19.

undefinedMORE: Biden challenges UN to act together on pandemic, climate change

The full transcript of Biden's speech is below:

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow delegates, to all those who dedicate themselves to this noble mission of this institution: It's my honor to speak to you for the first time as president of the United States.

We meet this year in a moment of — intermingled with great pain and extraordinary possibility. We've lost so much to this devastating pandemic that continues to claim lives around the world and impact so much on our existence.

We're mourning more than 4.5 million people — people of every nation from every background. Each death is an individual heartbreak. But our shared grief is a poignant reminder that our collective future will hinge on our ability to recognize our common humanity and to act together.

Ladies and gentlemen, this is the clear and urgent choice that we face here at the dawning of what must be a decisive decade for our world — a decade that will quite literally determine our futures.

As a global community, we're challenged by urgent and looming crises wherein lie enormous opportunities if — if — we can summon the will and resolve to seize these opportunities.

Will we work together to save lives, defeat COVID-19 everywhere and take the necessary steps to prepare ourselves for the next pandemic? For there will be another one. Or will we fail to harness the tools at our disposal as the more virulent and dangerous variants take hold?

Will we meet the threat of challenging climate — the challenging climate we're all feeling already ravaging every part of our world with extreme weather? Or will we suffer the merciless march of ever-worsening droughts and floods, more intense fires and hurricanes, longer heatwaves and rising seas?

Will we affirm and uphold the human dignity and human rights under which nations in common cause, more than seven decades ago, formed this institution?

Will we apply and strengthen the core tenets of the international system, including the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as we seek to shape the emergence of new technologies and deter new threats? Or will we allow those universal principles to be trampled and twisted in the pursuit of naked political power?

In my view, how we answer these questions in this moment — whether we choose to fight for our shared future or not — will reverberate for generations yet to come.

Simply put: We stand, in my view, at an inflection point in history. And I'm here today to share with you how the United States intends to work with partners and allies to answer these questions and the commitment of my new administration to help lead the world toward a more peaceful, prosperous future for all people.

Instead of continuing to fight the wars of the past, we are fixing our eyes on devoting our resources to the challenges that hold the keys to our collective future: ending this pandemic; addressing the climate crisis; managing the shifts in global power dynamics; shaping the rules of the world on vital issues like trade, cyber and emerging technologies; and facing the threat of terrorism as it stands today.

We've ended 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan. And as we close this period of relentless war, we're opening a new era of relentless diplomacy; of using the power of our development aid to invest in new ways of lifting people up around the world; of renewing and defending democracy; of proving that no matter how challenging or how complex the problems we're going to face, government by and for the people is still the best way to deliver for all of our people.

And as the United States turns our focus to the priorities and the regions of the world, like the Indo-Pacific, that are most consequential today and tomorrow, we'll do so with our allies and partners, through cooperation at multilateral institutions like the United Nations, to amplify our collective strength and speed, our progress toward dealing with these global challenges.

There's a fundamental truth of the 21st century within each of our own countries and as a global community that our own success is bound up in others succeeding as well.

To deliver for our own people, we must also engage deeply with the rest of the world.

To ensure that our own future, we must work together with other partners — our partners — toward a shared future.

Our security, our prosperity and our very freedoms are interconnected, in my view, as never before. And so, I believe we must work together as never before.

Over the last eight months, I have prioritized rebuilding our alliances, revitalizing our partnerships and recognizing they're essential and central to America's enduring security and prosperity.

We have reaffirmed our sacred NATO Alliance to Article 5 commitment. We're working with our allies toward a new strategic concept that will help our alliance better take on evolving threats of today and tomorrow.

We renewed our engagement with the European Union, a fundamental partner in tackling the full range of significant issues facing our world today.

We elevated the Quad partnership among Australia, India, Japan and the United States to take on challenges ranging from health security to climate to emerging technologies.

We're engaging with regional institutions — from ASEAN to the African Union to the Organization of American States — to focus on people's urgent needs for better health and better economic outcomes.

We're back at the table in international forums, especially the United Nations, to focus attention and to spur global action on shared challenges.

We are reengaged at the World Health Organization and working in close partnership with COVAX to deliver lifesaving vaccines around the world.

We rejoined the Paris Climate Agreement, and we're running to retake a seat on the Human Rights Council next year at the U.N.

And as the United States seeks to rally the world to action, we will lead not just with the example of our power but, God willing, with the power of our example.

Make no mistake: The United States will continue to defend ourselves, our allies and our interests against attack, including terrorist threats, as we prepare to use force if any is necessary, but — to defend our vital U.S. national interests including against ongoing and imminent threats.

But the mission must be clear and achievable, undertaken with the informed consent of the American people and, whenever possible, in partnership with our allies.

U.S. military power must be our tool of last resort, not our first, and it should not be used as an answer to every problem we see around the world.

Indeed, today, many of our greatest concerns cannot be solved or even addressed through the force of arms. Bombs and bullets cannot defend against COVID-19 or its future variants.

To fight this pandemic, we need a collective act of science and political will. We need to act now to get shots in arms as fast as possible and to expand access to oxygen, tests, treatments to save lives around the world.

And for the future, we need to create a new mechanism to finance global health security that builds on our existing development assistance, and a Global Health Threat Council that is armed with the tools we need to monitor and identify emerging pandemics so that we can take immediate action.

Already, the United States has put more than $15 billion toward global COVID response. We've shipped more than 160 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to other countries. This includes 130 million doses from our own supply and the first tranches of the half a billion doses of Pfizer vaccine we purchased to donate through COVAX.

Planes carrying vaccines from the United States have already landed in 100 countries, bringing people all over the world a little "dose of hope," as one American nurse termed it to me. A "dose of hope," direct from the American people — and, importantly, no strings attached.

And tomorrow, at the U.S.-hosted COVID-19 Summit, I'll be announcing additional commitments as we seek to advance the fight against COVID-19 and hold ourselves accountable around specific targets on three key challenges: saving lives now, vaccinating the world and building back better.

This year has also brought widespread death and devastation from the borderless climate crisis. The extreme weather events that we have seen in every part of the world — and you all know it and feel it — represent what the Secretary-General has rightly called "code red for humanity." And the scientists and experts are telling us that we're fast approaching a "point of no return," in the literal sense.

To keep within our reach the vital goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, every nation needs to bring their highest-possible ambitions to the table when we meet in Glasgow for COP26 and then to have to keep raising our collective ambition over time.

In April, Iannouncedthe United States' ambitious new goal under the Paris Agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from the United States by 50-52% below 2005 levels by 2030, as we work toward achieving a clean-energy economy with net-zero emissions by 2050.

And my administration is working closely with our Congress to make critical investments in green infrastructure and electric vehicles that will help us lock in progress at home toward our climate goals.

And the best part is: Making these ambitious investments isn't just good climate policy, it's a chance for each of our countries to invest in ourselves and our own future. It's an enormous opportunity to create good-paying jobs for workers in each of our countries and to spur long-term economic growth that will improve the quality of life for all of our people.

We also have to support the countries and people that will be hit hardest and that have the fewest resources to help them adapt.

In April, I announced the United States will double our public international financing to help developing nations tackle the climate crisis. And today, I'm proud to announce that we'll work with the Congress to double that number again, including for adaptation efforts.

This will make the United States a leader in public climate finance. And with our added support, together with increased private capital from other donors, we'll be able to meet the goal of mobilizing $100 billion to support climate action in developing nations.

As we deal with these crises, we're also encountering a new era — an era of new technologies and possibilities that have the potential to release and reshape every aspect of human existence. And it's up to all of us to determine whether these technologies are a force to empower people or to deepen repression.

As new technologies continue to evolve, we'll work together with our democratic partners to ensure that new advances in areas from biotechnology, to quantum computing, 5G, artificial intelligence and more are used to lift people up, to solve problems and advance human freedom — not to suppress dissent or target minority communities.

And the United States intends to make a profound investment in research and innovation, working with countries at all stages of economic development to develop new tools and technologies to help us tackle the challenges of this second quarter of the 21st century and beyond.

We're hardening our critical infrastructure against cyberattacks, disrupting ransomware networks and working to establish clear rules of the road for all nations as it relates to cyberspace.

We reserve the right to respond decisively to cyberattacks that threaten our people, our allies or our interests.

We will pursue new rules of global trade and economic growth that strive to level the playing field so that it's not artificially tipped in favor of any one country at the expense of others and every nation has a right and the opportunity to compete fairly.

We will strive to ensure that basic labor rights, environmental safeguards, and intellectual property are protected and that the benefits of globalization are shared broadly throughout all our societies.

We'll continue to uphold the longstanding rules and norms that have formed the guardrails of international engagement for decades that have been essential to the development of nations around the world — bedrock commitments like freedom of navigation, adherence to international laws and treaties, support for arms control measures that reduce the risk and enhance transparency.

Our approach is firmly grounded and fully consistent with the United Nations' mission and the values we've agreed to when we drafted this charter. These are commitments we all made and that we're all bound to uphold.

And as we strive to deal with these urgent challenges, whether they're longstanding or newly emerging, we must also deal with one another.

All the major powers of the world have a duty, in my view, to carefully manage their relationships so they do not tip from responsible competition to conflict.

The United States will compete, and will compete vigorously, and lead with our values and our strength.

We'll stand up for our allies and our friends and oppose attempts by stronger countries to dominate weaker ones, whether through changes to territory by force, economic coercion, technological exploitation or disinformation.

But we're not seeking — I'll say it again — we are not seeking a new Cold War or a world divided into rigid blocs.

The United States is ready to work with any nation that steps up and pursues peaceful resolution to shared challenges, even if we have intense disagreements in other areas — because we'll all suffer the consequences of our failure if we do not come together to address the urgent threats like COVID-19 and climate change or enduring threats like nuclear proliferation.

The United States remains committed to preventing Iran from gaining a nuclear weapon. We are working with the P5+1 to engage Iran diplomatically and seek a return to the JCPOA. We're prepared to return to full compliance if Iran does the same.

Similarly, we seek serious and sustained diplomacy to pursue the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

We seek concrete progress toward an available plan with tangible commitments that would increase stability on the Peninsula and in the region, as well as improve the lives of the people in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

We must also remain vigilant to the threat that terrorism poses to all our nations, whether emanating from distant regions of the world or in our own backyards.

We know the the bitter sting of terrorism real, and we've almost all experienced it.

Last month, we lost 13 American heroes and almost 200 innocent Afghan civilians in the heinous terrorist attack at the Kabul airport.

Those who commit acts of terrorism against us will continue to find a determined enemy in the United States.

The world today is not the world of 2001, though, and the United States is not the same country we were when we were attacked on 9/11, 20 years ago.

Today, we're better equipped to detect and prevent terrorist threats, and we are more resilient in our ability to repel them and to respond.

We know how to build effective partnerships to dismantle terrorist networks by targeting their financing and support systems, countering their propaganda, preventing their travel, as well as disrupting imminent attacks.

We'll meet terrorist threats that arise today and in the future with a full range of tools available to us, including working in cooperation with local partners so that we need not be so reliant on large-scale military deployments.

One of the most important ways we can effectively enhance security and reduce violence is by seeking to improve the lives of the people all over the world who see that their governments are not serving their needs.

Corruption fuels inequality, siphons off a nation's resources, spreads across borders and generates human suffering. It is nothing less than a national security threat in the 21st century.

Around the world, we're increasingly seeing citizens demonstrate their discontent seeing the wealthy and well-connected grow richer and richer, taking payoffs and bribes, operating above the law while the vast majority of the people struggle to find a job or put food on the table or to get their business off the ground or simply send their children to school.

People have taken to the streets in every region to demand that their governments address peoples' basic needs, give everyone a fair shot to succeed, and protect their God-given rights.

And in that chorus of voices across languages and continents, we hear a common cry: a cry for dignity — simple dignity. As leaders, it is our duty to answer that call, not to silence it.

The United States is committed to using our resources and our international platform to support these voices, listen to them, partner with them to find ways to respond that advance human dignity around the world.

For example, there is an enormous need for infrastructure in developing countries, but infrastructure that is low-quality or that feeds corruption or exacerbates environmental degradation may only end up contributing to greater challenges for countries over time.

Done the right way, however, with transparent, sustainable investment in projects that respond to the country's needs and engage their local workers to maintain high labor and environmental standards, infrastructure can be a strong foundation that allows societies in low- and middle-income countries to grow and to prosper.

That's the idea behind the Build Back Better World."

And together with the private sector and our G7 partners, we aim to mobilize hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure investment.

We'll also continue to be the world's largest contributor to humanitarian assistance, bringing food, water, shelter, emergency healthcare and other vital, lifesaving aid to millions of people in need.

When the earthquake strikes, a typhoon rages or a disaster anywhere in the world, the United States shows up. We'll be ready to help.

And at a time when nearly one in three people globally do not have access to adequate food — adequate food, just last year — the United States is committing to rallying our partners to address immediate malnutrition and to ensure that we can sustainably feed the world for decades to come.

To that end, the United States is making a $10 billion commitment to end hunger and invest in food systems at home and abroad.

Since 2000, the United States government has provided more than $140 billion to advance health and strengthen health systems, and we will continue our leadership to drive these vital investments to make peoples' lives better every single day. Just give them a little breathing room.

And as we strive to make lives better, we must work with renewed purpose to end the conflicts that are driving so much pain and hurt around the world.

We must redouble our diplomacy and commit to political negotiations, not violence, as the tool of first resort to manage tensions around the world.

We must seek a future of greater peace and security for all the people of the Middle East.

The commitment of the United States to Israel's security is without question. And our support for an independent, Jewish state is unequivocal.

But I continue to believe that a two-state solution is the best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish, democratic state living in peace alongside a viable, sovereign and democratic Palestinian state.

We're a long way from that goal at this moment, but we must never allow ourselves to give up on the possibility of progress.

We cannot give up on solving raging civil conflicts, including in Ethiopia and Yemen, where fighting between warring parties is driving famine, horrific violence, human rights violations against civilians, including the unconscionable use of rape as a weapon of war.

We will continue to work with the international community to press for peace and bring an end to this suffering.

As we pursue diplomacy across the board, the United States will champion the democratic values that go to the very heart of who we are as a nation and a people: freedom, equality, opportunity and a belief in the universal rights of all people.

It's stamped into our DNA as a nation. And critically, it's stamped into the DNA of this institution — the United States [Nations]. We sometimes forget.

I quote the opening words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, quote: "The equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world."

The founding ethos of the United Nations places the rights of individuals at the center of our system, and that clarity and vision must not be ignored or misinterpreted.

The United States will do our part, but we will be more successful and more impactful if all of our nations are working toward the full mission to which we are called.

That's why more than 100 nations united around a shared statement and the Security Council adopted a resolution outlining how we'll support the people of Afghanistan moving forward, laying out the expectations to which we will hold the Taliban when it comes to respecting universal human rights.

We all must advocate for the rights of women and girls to use their full talents to contribute economically, politically and socially and pursue their dreams free of violence and intimidation — from Central America to the Middle East, to Africa, to Afghanistan — wherever it appears in the world.

We all must call out and condemn the targeting and oppression of racial, ethnic, and religious minorities when it occurs in — whether it occurs in Xinjiang or northern Ethiopia or anywhere in the world.

We all must defend the rights of LGBTQI individuals so they can live and love openly without fear, whether it's Chechnya or Cameroon or anywhere.

As we steer our — steer our nations toward this inflection point and work to meet today's fast-moving, cross-cutting challenges, let me be clear: I am not agnostic about the future we want for the world.

The future will belong to those who embrace human dignity, not trample it.

The future will belong to those who unleash the potential of their people, not those who stifle it.

The future will belong to those who give their people the ability to breathe free, not those who seek to suffocate their people with an iron hand.

Authoritarianism — the authoritarianism of the world may seek to proclaim the end of the age of democracy, but they're wrong.

The truth is: The democratic world is everywhere. It lives in the anti-corruption activists, the human rights defenders, the journalists, the peace protestors on the frontlines of this struggle in Belarus, Burma, Syria, Cuba, Venezuela and everywhere in between.

It lives in the brave women of Sudan who withstood violence and oppression to push a genocidal dictator from power and who keep working every day to defend their democratic progress.

It lives in the proud Moldovans who helped deliver a landslide victory for the forces of democracy, with a mandate to fight graft, to build a more inclusive economy.

It lives in the young people of Zambia who harnessed the power of their vote for the first time, turning out in record numbers to denounce corruption and chart a new path for their country.

And while no democracy is perfect, including the United States — who will continue to struggle to live up to the highest ideals to heal our divisions, and we face down violence and insurrection — democracy remains the best tool we have to unleash our full human potential.

My fellow leaders, this is a moment where we must prove ourselves the equals of those who have come before us, who with vision and values and determined faith in our collective future built our United Nations, broke the cycle of war and destruction and laid the foundations for more than seven decades of relative peace and growing global prosperity.

Now, we must again come together to affirm the inherent humanity that unites us is much greater than any outward divisions or disagreements.

We must choose to do more than we think we can do alone so that we accomplish what we must, together: ending this pandemic and making sure we're better prepared for the next one; staving off climactic climate change and increasing our resilience to the impacts we already are seeing; ensuring a future where technologies are a vital tool to solving human challenges and empowering human potential, not a source of greater strife and repression.

These are the challenges that will determine what the world looks like for our children and our grandchildren, and what they'll inherit. We can only meet them by looking to the future.

I stand here today, for the first time in 20 years, with the United States not at war. We've turned the page.

All the unmatched strength, energy, commitment, will and resources of our nation are now fully and squarely focused on what's ahead of us, not what was behind.

I know this: As we look ahead, we will lead. We will lead on all the greatest challenges of our time — from COVID to climate, peace and security, human dignity and human rights. But we will not go it alone.

We will lead together with our allies and partners and in cooperation with all those who believe, as we do, that this is within our power to meet these challenges, to build a future that lifts all of our people and preserves this planet.

But none of this is inevitable; it's a choice. And I can tell you where America stands: We will choose to build a better future. We — you and I — we have the will and capacity to make it better.

Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot afford to waste any more time. Let's get to work. Let's make our better future now.

We can do this. It's within our power and capacity.

Thank you, and God bless you all.

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